Bertrand de Jouvenel
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
| Full name | Bertrand de Jouvenel |
|---|---|
| Born | 31 October 1903 Paris, France |
| Died | 1 March 1987 (aged 83) Paris, France |
| Was | 20th century French philosophy |
| Region | Western Philosophy |
Contents[hide] |
Life
Bertrand was the heir of an old family from the French nobility, coming from the Champagne region. He was the son of Henri de Jouvenel and Sarah Boas, the daughter of a Jewish industrialist. Henri divorced Sarah in 1912 to become the second husband of French writer Colette. In 1920, when he was a mere 16, Bertrand began an affair with his stepmother, who was then in her late 40s. The affair ended Colette's marriage and caused a scandal. It lasted until 1924. Some believe Bertrand to be the role model for the title character in Colette's novel Chéri, but in fact she had published about half the book, in serial form, before she and her stepson met for the first time, in the spring of 1920. In the 1930s, he participated to the Cahiers Bleus, the review of Georges Valois' Republican Syndicalist Party. From 1930 to 1934, De Jouvenel had an affair with the American war correspondent Martha Gellhorn. They would have married had his wife agreed to a divorce.[1]In his memoirs, The Invisible Writing, Arthur Koestler recalled that in 1934, Jouvenel was among a small number of French intellectuals who promised moral and financial support to the newly-established Institut pour l'Étude du Fascisme, a supposedly self-financing enterprise of the Popular Front. Other personalities to offer support were Professor Langevin, the Joliot-Curies, André Malraux, etc.[2]
However, that same year, Jouvenel was impressed by the riot of the antiparliamentary leagues that occurred on February 6, 1934,
became disillusioned with traditional political parties and left the
Radical Party. He began a paper with Pierre Andreu called La Lutte des jeunes (The Struggle of the Young) while at the same time contributing to the right wing paper Gringoire,
for which he covered the 1935 Nuremberg Congress in Germany where the
infamous Nuremberg Laws were passed. He began frequenting royalist and
nationalist circles, where he met Henri de Man and Pierre Drieu la Rochelle.[3]
He was in favour of Franco-German rapprochement and created the « Cercle du grand pavois », which supported the Comité France–Allemagne (Franco-German Committee). Here he became friends with Otto Abetz, the future German ambassador to Paris during the occupation.[4] In February 1936 he interviewed Adolf Hitler for the journal Paris-Midi, for which he was criticised for being too friendly to the dictator.
That same year he joined Jacques Doriot's Parti populaire français (PPF).[5] He became the editor in chief of its journal L'Émancipation nationale
(National Emancipation), wherein he supported facsism. He broke with
the PPF in 1938 when Doriot supported the Munich Agreement.
Jouvenel's mother passionately supported Czechoslovakian independence, and so he began his career as a private secretary to Edvard Beneš, Czechoslovakia's first prime minister. In 1947, along with Friedrich Hayek, Jacques Rueff, and Milton Friedman, he founded the Mont Pelerin Society. Later in life, de Jouvenel established the Futuribles International in Paris.Jouvenel was among the very few French intellectuals to pay respectful attention to the economic theory and welfare economics that emerged during the first half of the 20th century in Austria, Italy, the United Kingdom, and the United States. This understanding of economics is shown by his The Ethics of Redistribution.
Dennis Hale of Boston College has co-edited two volumes of essays by Jouvenel.[1]
The Sternhell Controversy
Zeev Sternhell published a book, Ni Droite, ni gauche ("Neither Right nor Left"), accusing De Jouvenel of having had fascist sympathies in the 1930s and 40s. De Jouvenel sued in 1983, claiming nine counts of libel, two of which the court upheld. However, Sternhell was required neither to publish a retraction, nor to strike any passages from future printings of his book.[6]Notes
- ^ For a detailed account of Jouvenel's affair with Martha Gellhorn see Caroline Moorehead: Martha Gellhorn: A Life, Chatto & Windus, London 2003, ISBN 0701169516 (hardback).
- ^ Arthur Koestler, The Invisible Writing, Collins and Hamish Hamilton, London 1954. Republished in 1969 by Hutchinson (Danube edition) ISBN 0090980301. p. 297
- ^ The century intellectuals Winock Michel, ed. Threshold, p.410.
- ^ Bertrand de Jouvenel, A traveler in the century (1903-1945), tome 1, Editions Robert Laffont, Paris, 1979
- ^ Laurent Kestel, "The commitment of Bertrand de Jouvenel the WP from 1936 to 1939, intellectual party and political entrepreneur," French Historical Studies, n.30, Winter 2007, p. 105-125
- ^ Robert Wohl, 1991, "French Fascism, Both Right and Left: Reflections on the Sternhell Controversy", The Journal of Modern History 63: 91-98.
Bibliography
- On Power: The Natural History of Its Growth
- The Ethics of Redistribution
- Sovereignty: An Inquiry into the Political Good
- The Pure Theory of Politics
- The Art of Conjecture
Further reading
- Anderson, Brian C., 2001, " Bertrand de Jouvenel's melancholy liberalism, " Public Interest, Spring 2001; Iss.143
- Luckey, William R., 1998, "The Economics of Bertrand de Jouvenel," The Journal of Markets and Morality, Volume 1, Number 2 • October 1998
Zeev Sternhell
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
| Zeev Sternhell | |
|---|---|
 |
|
| Born | 1935 (age 75–76) Przemysl , Poland |
| Alma mater | Hebrew University of Jerusalem , Institute d'Études Politiques de Paris |
| Occupation | Historian, writer |
| Known for | Research on the roots of Fascism |
| Religion | Jewish |
| Spouse | Ziva |
| Children | Two daughters |
| Awards | Israel Prize, 2008 |
Contents[hide] |
[edit] Biography
Zeev Sternhell was born in Przemyśl, Poland to an affluent secular Jewish family with Zionist tendencies. His grandfather and father were textile merchants.[2] When Russia occupied eastern Poland, Russian troops took over part of his home. His father died of natural causes. A few months after Operation Barbarossa, the family was sent to the ghetto.[2] His mother and older sister, Ada, were killed by the Nazis when he was seven years old. An uncle who had a permit to work outside the ghetto smuggled him to Lwow.[3] The uncle found a Polish officer who was willing to help them. Supplied with false Aryan papers, Sternhell lived with his aunt, uncle and cousin as a Polish Catholic. After the war, he was baptized, taking the Polish name Zbigniew Orolski.[2] He became an altar boy in the Cathedral of Krakow. In 1946, at the age of 11, Sternhell was taken to France on a Red Cross children's train, where he lived with an aunt. He learned French and was accepted to a school in Avignon despite stiff competition.[2]
In the winter of 1951, at the age of 16, Sternhell immigrated to Israel under the auspices of Youth Aliyah, and was sent to Magdiel youth village.[3] In the 1950s, Sternhell served as a platoon commander in the Golani infantry brigade, including the Sinai war. He fought as a reservist in the Six-Day War, the Yom Kippur War and the Lebanon War.[2]
In 1957-1960, he studied history and political science at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, graduating with a BA cum laude. In 1969, he was awarded a Ph.D. from the Institut d'Études Politiques de Paris[4] for his thesis on The Social and Political Ideas of Maurice Barrès.Sternhell lives in Jerusalem with his wife Ziva, an art historian. They have two daughters.
[edit] Academic career
In 1976, Sternhell became co-editor of The Jerusalem Quarterly,
remaining an active contributor until 1990. In 1981, he became a
professor of political science at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. In
1989, he was elected to the Léon Blum Chair of Political Science at the Hebrew University and became a member of the Editorial Board of History and Memory.
In 1991, the French government awarded him the title of "Chevalier de
l'Ordre des Arts et des Lettres" for his outstanding contribution to
French culture. In 1996, he was a member of the Editorial Board of the Journal of Political Ideologies.
[edit] Awards
In 2008, Sternhell was awarded the Israel Prize, for Political Science.[5][6][7][edit] Research
Zeev Sternhell traces the roots of Fascism to revolutionary far-left French movements, adding a branch, called the 'revolutionary right', to the three traditional right-wing families cited by René Rémond - (legitimism, orleanism and bonapartism). The main influences, according to Sternhell were:- Boulangisme, a populist far-right movement led by Georges Boulanger who almost succeeded in his attempt at a coup d'état in 1889;
- Revolutionary syndicalism, pointing out how some Italian anarcho-syndicalists, influenced by George Sorel's thought, embraced fascism in its early stages;
- Cercle Proudhon's intellectual influence and the synthesis it would have provoked (the activities of Georges Valois and Edouard Berth).
Stanley G. Payne, for example, remarks in A History of Fascism that "Zeev Sternhell has conclusively demonstrated that nearly all the ideas found in fascism first appeared in France".[8] But Fascism itself developed as a political movement in Italy, from where it exercised a prolonged influence on Nazism.
Sternhell's identification of Spiritualism with Fascism has also given rise to debate, in particular his claim that Emmanuel Mounier's personalism movement "shared ideas and political reflexes with Fascism". Sternhell has argued that Mounier's "revolt against individualism and materialism" would have led him to share the ideology of Fascism.[9]
[edit] Controversies
Sternhell was taken to court by Bertrand de Jouvenel, in 1983, after Sternhell published his work Ni Droite, ni gauche (Neither Right nor Left). Jouvenel sued Sternhell on nine counts, and Sternhell was subsequently convicted for defamation. In his book, Sternhell accused Jouvenel of having had Fascist sympathies. Convicted on two counts, Sternhell did not however need to retract his remarks from the book.[10]In a 2001 Hebrew op-ed piece in the Israeli Haaretz newspaper, Sternhell wrote that he recognized the legitimacy of Arab terror in Judea and Samaria, and suggested that the Arab terrorists focus their killings on the settlers living in Judea and Samaria. This would have the benefit of underlining the border between Israel within the green line and Judea and Samaria.[11]
He similarly wrote in Davar in 1988 that "only those prepared to demolish Ofra with tanks would be able to stop the fascist erosion which threatens the Israeli Democracy".[12]
[edit] Political views
Regarding Zionism, Sternhell said in an interview with Haaretz:I am not only a Zionist, I am a super-Zionist. For me, Zionism was and remains the right of the Jews to control their fate and their future. I consider the right of human beings to be their own masters a natural right. A right of which the Jews were deprived by history and which Zionism restored to them. That is its deep meaning. And as such, it is indeed a tremendous revolution that touches the lives of each of us. I felt that revolution when I immigrated to Israel alone at the age of 16. Only then, when I disembarked at Haifa from the ship Artza, did I stop being an object of others' action and became a subject. Only then did I become a person who is in control of himself and not dependent on others.[13]
Sternhell is a long-time supporter of the Israeli peace camp and writes critically in the Israeli press about the Israeli occupation and policy toward the Palestinians. In The Founding Myths of Israel
(published in Hebrew in 1995) Sternhell says the main moral
justification the Zionists gave for the founding of Israel in 1948 was
the Jews' historical right to the land. In the epilogue, he writes:
In fact, from the beginning, a sense of urgency gave the first Zionists the profound conviction that the task of reconquering the country had a solid moral basis. The argument of the Jews' historical right to the land was merely a matter of politics and propaganda. In view of the catastrophic situation of the Jews at the beginning of the century, the use of this argument was justified in every way, and it is all the more legitimate because of the threat of death hanging over the Jews. Historical rights were invoked to serve the need of finding a refuge.[14]
Sternhell argues that after the Six-Day war in 1967, the threat to the Jews had disappeared, which changed the moral basis for retaining conquests:
No leader was capable of saying that the conquest of the West Bank lacked the moral basis of the first half of the twentieth century, namely the circumstances of distress on which Israel was founded. A much-persecuted people needed and deserved not only a shelter, but also a state of its own. [...] Whereas the conquests of 1949 were an essential condition for the founding of Israel, the attempt to retain the conquests of 1967 had a strong flavor of imperial expansion.[15]
Sternhell sees Jewish settlement on the West Bank as a wish of
religious Zionism and part of labour Zionism, that the more moderate
part of labour Zionism was unable to withstand because this wish was in
line with deep Zionist convictions. He sees settlement on the West Bank
as a danger to "Israel's ability to develop as a free and open society",
because it puts nationalistic aims over social and liberal aims.
He says something fundamental changed with the Oslo agreements:
"In the history of Zionism the Oslo agreements constitute a turning
point, a true revolution. For the first time in its history, the Jewish
national movement recognized the equal rights of the Palestinian people
to freedom and independence."[16]
He ends the epilogue with: "The only uncertain factor today is the
moral and political price Israeli society will have to pay to overcome
the resistance that the hard core of the settlers is bound to show to
any just and reasonable solution."[17]
[edit] Controversy with settler movement
Sternhell won the Israel Prize
in political science in February 2008. His political views provoked a
stormy reaction amongst supporters of the settlers' movement. Supporters
of Sternhell have said he was repeatedly threatened with violence for
his views.[18]
His opponents tend to claim that Sternhell's writings support terrorism
and promote state violence against Jewish settlers in the West Bank.[19]
[edit] Attack
On September 25, 2008, Sternhell was the victim of a pipe bomb attack at his home, and was lightly hurt.[20] Jerusalem police, who found fliers offering more than 1 million shekels (approximately $300,000) to anyone who kills members of Peace Now at the scene, suspected that he was attacked by right-wing settler extremists for his views. From his hospital bed, Sternhell said that "the very occurrence of the incident goes to illustrate the fragility of Israeli democracy, and the urgent need to defend it with determination and resolve". "On the personal level," he continued, "if the intent was to terrorize, it has to be very clear that I am not easily intimidated; but the perpetrators tried to hurt not only me, but each and every one of my family members who could have opened the door, and for that there is no absolution and no forgiveness."[21]After his release from hospital, he said he will continue to voice his opinions. French Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchner condemned the attack, saying "The assault on Professor Sternhell is an assault on values of peace and brotherhood that served as an inspiration to Israel's founding fathers".[22] When the investigation was launched, right wing settlers groups made claims that the bombing had been carried out by agents provocateurs.[23]
In October 2009, Israel police arrested Yaakov “Jack” Teitel, a Florida-born religious Jew, for the attack on Zeev Stenhell. Teitel (aged 36), a father of four, lived in Israel for several months in 1997 and subsequently emigrated to Israel in 2000. He was arrested after handing out posters in an ultra-orthodox Jerusalem neighbourhood praising a shooting at a Tel Aviv gay club. Israel police revealed that Teitel, who apparently acted alone, also admitted a string of other terrorist attacks and attempted attacks, including murdering a Palestinian taxi driver and a West Bank shepherd in 1997 and an attack on the home of a Messianic Jew in Ariel in 2008.[24][25]
[edit] Published work
- "Fascist Ideology", Fascism, A Reader's Guide, Analyses, Interpretations, Bibliography, edited by Walter Laqueur, University of California Press, Berkeley, 1976. pp 315–376.
- Neither right nor left. Fascist Ideology in France , Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1983, transl. Neither Right nor Left: Fascist Ideology in France , Princeton Univ. Press, 1995 ( ISBN 0-691-00629-6 )
- The Birth of Fascist Ideology, with Mario Sznajder and Maia Asheri, published by Princeton University Press, 1989, 1994 (ISBN 0-691-03289-0) (ISBN 0-691-04486-4)
- The Founding Myths of Israel: Nationalism, Socialism, and the Making of the Jewish State Princeton Univ. Press, 1999 (ISBN 0-691-00967-8; e-book ISBN 1-4008-0770-0) (abstract)
- Maurice Barrès nationalisme et le français ("Maurice Barrès and French nationalism") - Bruxelles: Editions Complexe, 1985; Originally published by A. Colin, 1972.
- The revolutionary right, 1885-1914. French origins of Fascism , Paris: Seuil, 1978 and Paris: Gallimard, "Folio History, 1998.
- "Paul Déroulède and the origins of modern French nationalism," Journal of Contemporary History, vol. 6, no. 4, 1971, pp. 46–70.
- "The Roots of Popular Anti-Semitism in the Third Republic", in Frances Malino and Bernard Wasserstein, eds. The Jews in Modern France, Hanover and London: University Press of New England, 1985.
- The political culture of nationalism ", in Robert Tombs, ed. Nationhood and Nationalism in France, from Boulanger to the Great War, 1889-1918 , London: Harper Collins, 1991.
- The anti-Enlightenment tradition of the seventeenth century to the Cold War , Paris: Fayard, 2006 and Paris: Gallimard, "Folio History (Revised and Expanded Edition), 2010; transl.: The Anti-Enlightenment Tradition , Yale University Press , 2009 (ISBN13 9780300135541, ISBN10: 0300135548)
[edit] See also
[edit] References
- ^ Roger Griffin. The Nature of Fascism. Routledge. 1993. p. 6
- ^ a b c d e Amazing grace - Haaretz - Israel News
- ^ a b Haaretz's Ze'ev Sternhell wins Israel Prize in political science - Haaretz - Israel News
- ^ Zeev Sternhell (nias)
- ^ Ha'aretz 8 February 2008 Haaretz's Sternhell wins Israel Prize in political science By Tamara Traubmann
- ^ "Israel Prize Official Site (in Hebrew) - Recipient's C.V.".
- ^ "Israel Prize Official Site (in Hebrew) - Judges' Rationale for Grant to Recipient".
- ^ Stanley G. Payne, A History of Fascism, pg 291.
- ^ See Zeev Sternhell, "Fascism Sur le et sa version française," in Le Débat , November 1984, "Emmanuel Mounier et la contestation de la démocratie dans la France des années liberal 30", in Revue française de science politique , December 1984 And Also John Hellman 's book, from Which he Takes Of His many sources, Emmanuel Mounier and the New Catholic Left, 1930-1950 , University of Toronto Press, 1981. See also Denis de Rougemont , Mounier et Mme Jean-Marie Domenach dans Le personnalisme d'Emmanuel Mounier hier et demain , Seuil, Paris, 1985.
- ^ Robert Wohl. French Fascism, Both Right and Left: Reflections on the Sternhell Controversy. The Journal of Modern History, Vol. 63, No. 1, (1991), pp. 91-98.
- ^ http://www.haaretz.co.il/hasite/spages/33854.html מול ממשלה סהרורית
- ^ http://www.haaretz.co.il/hasite/spages/1024731.html הסדין האדום של הימין
- ^ Amazing grace
- ^ Z. Sternhell, 1998, 'The Founding Myths of Israel', ISBN 0-691-01694-1, p.338
- ^ Z. Sternhell, 1998, 'The Founding Myths of Israel', ISBN 0-691-01694-1, p.336
- ^ Z. Sternhell, 1998, The Founding Myths of Israel, ISBN 0-691-01694-1, p.339
- ^ Z. Sternhell, 1998, 'The Founding Myths of Israel', ISBN 0-691-01694-1, p.345
- ^ Dichter: Prof attack takes us back to days of Rabin assassination Shahar Ilan and Roni Singer-Heruti, Haaretz, 26/09/2008
- ^ Israel Prize to go to Pro-Terror, Pro-Civil War Prof, Gil Ronen, Arutz Sheva
- ^ Rory McCarthy (September 26, 2008). "Israeli peace advocate attacked". The Guardian. Retrieved 2008-10-03.
- ^ Dichter: Prof attack takes us back to days of Rabin assassination, by Shahar Ilan and Roni Singer-Heruti, Haaretz, 26 September 2008
- ^ Glickman, Aviad (26/09/2008). "Prof. Sternhell: I'll continue to voice my views" . Ynetnews . Retrieved 9/26/2008 .
- ^ Ha'aretz news in Brief' October 05, 2008. The Campaign for Saving the People and the Country claims that the bombing, generally believed to have been carried out by right-wing extremists in response to Sternhell's left-wing political activism, was a provocation aimed at turning public opinion against the settlers to make future evacuations easier. "The timing and nature of the operation leave no room for doubt it was the work of a provocateur," it wrote. (Ofra Edelman)
- ^ The Irish Times, 2nd November 2009. http://www.irishtimes.com/newspaper/world/2009/1102/1224257903312.html
- ^ Haaretz 1st November 2009 http://www.haaretz.co.il/hasen/spages/1125062.html
[edit] External links
- "The Anatomy of Fascism", article by Zeev Sternhell, New York Review of Books, May 12, 2005
- Interview (in french)
- "Fascism: A Reader's Guide", paper by Zeev Sternhell*"Zionism's secular revolution" article by Zeev Sternhell in Le Monde diplomatique (English edition)
- Select material from Zeev Sternhell - english
- "New History, Old Ideas" by Edward Said on Sternhell, in Al-Ahram Weekly On-line 21–27 May 1998 Issue No.378
- "The War of the Israeli Historians" by Avi Shlaim, in Miftah, 18 March 2004
- Short extracts
Categories: 1935 births | Living people | Hebrew University of Jerusalem alumni | Hebrew University of Jerusalem faculty | Israel Prize in political science recipients | Israeli historians | Jewish historians | Historians of France | Polish Jews | Historians of fascism | People from Przemyśl
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